Pizhuhish nāmah-i intiqādī-i mutūn va barnāmah hā-yi ̒ulūm-i insāni (Critical Studies in Texts & Programs of Human Sciences)

Abstract One of the most significant ideological and yet technical debates of the early twentieth century is the socialist calculation debate, which took place between Mises and Hayek as proponents of capitalism and socialists such as Lange. Our objective in this article is to examine the rise and fall of this debate by analyzing Hayek's most important work in this field, the book "Individualism and Economic Order". This discussion began with Mises, who claimed that a socialist economy and, consequently, economic planning were impossible. He reasoned that this impossibility stemmed from the inability of a planning system to calculate prices. This impossibility was interpreted by socialists like Lange as the impossibility of socialism due to the complexity of calculations or the absence of competition in a socialist system. However, Mises and later Austrian economists like Hayek argued that this impossibility was something beyond mere computational problems related to price calculation or the lack of competition. Although Hayek makes crucial points in explaining the miracle of the price mechanism and the market institution, he has overlooked important issues, and his theory has become an idealized one. While it is true that socialism is impossible due to the elimination of the market, the abstract capitalism envisioned by Hayek is also practically impossible for non-Western countries due to its abstract and ahistorical perspective.

Abstract Rise of Akhbārī school of jurisprudence in Eleventh/Seventeenth century under Safavids led Imami religious establishment into a determining process. Akhbārī invitation caused dramatic changes to the extent that contemporary Safavid Scholars were made to pay special attention to this case. Taking a sociological approach, Mansur Sifatgol is a prominent historiographer who has made a significant effort to study Imami religious establishment under Safavids. In his book “The Structure of Religious Thought and Institution in Safavid Persia”, he has put a special stress on religious institutional changes during Eleventh/Seventeenth century and in doing so, he makes a comparison between political and religious structural changes which is a considerable achievement in historical studies. However, his analysis has been established based on a particular notion of Akhbārī theory which is to a great extent influenced by anti-rational reading of Akhbārīsm. Confessing to the importance and significance of the accomplishments of the book, this paper, from a critical perspective, concentrates on how Sifatgol perceives Akhbārī jurisprudential approach.

Abstract This article provides a critical assessment of contemporary Iranian scholarship on Saadi’s political thought, focusing on four influential works by Homa Katouzian, Abbas Milani and Maryam Mirzadeh, Rouhollah Eslami, and Seyyed Javad Tabatabaei. The central question concerns how Saʿdī is represented in these readings as a political thinker and how his relationship to politics is interpreted. Drawing on Paul Ricoeur’s philosophical hermeneutics, and emphasizing the dialectical relation between explanation and understanding, the article demonstrates that although Saʿdī lacks a coherent and systematic political theory, his works embody a form of practical, people-centered, and realist political rationality. The findings indicate that politics in Saʿdī’s thought is grounded less in abstract theorization than in lived experience, critical ethics, context-sensitive advisory writing, and resistance to injustice. These features render Saʿdī a significant resource for the rethinking of indigenous political reflection in Iran.

Abstract The most important protections from the perspective of constitutional principles that can be expressed in the area of ​​economic security relate to economic development, investment, and related principles. It is of great importance to examine these principles, threats, and supports that can affect the country's economic development. This study will critically examine the economic principles of the Constitution from the perspective of supporting economic security. The purpose of this article, which is an applied and descriptive-analytical research, is to reach the following conclusion: What is the role of the economic principles of the Constitution from the perspective of supporting economic security and what are its effects? In this regard, it is assumed that principles such as Articles 3, 22, 43, and 47 of the Constitution can be considered to support economic security, and principles such as Articles 44, 81, and 139 of the Constitution can be considered to threaten economic security. In this regard, identifying and diagnosing the principles that support and threaten economic security is of great importance in order to support the economic security of the individual and society.

Abstract The issue of recognizing external objects in modern philosophy, especially with the denial of the distinction between primary and secondary qualities, has become a fundamental problem. In this context, Kant, in his transcendental idealism, sought to explain external objects based on the necessary unity of consciousness; for him, the object is the product of the self-consciousness's determination of sensory data. Concepts and categories of understanding serve as expressions of this unity of self-consciousness, acting as a formal judgment that is applied to the diverse material of the senses and provides representational objects in experience. However, Hegel, in his "Phenomenology of Spirit" offered a different explanation of how objectivity is constituted, not based on reliance on sensory data. He initially critiqued Kant's transcendental self-consciousness, explaining that the relationship between self-consciousness and the world is not immediate but is mediated through "Desire" and ultimately through the "Other." This article aims to examine how "Desire" signifies self-consciousness and then, through it, the essential role of the "Other" in the formation of self-consciousness. Finally, by providing an analysis of the dialectic of master and slave, it will demonstrate how the concept of "Work" in the slave plays a key role in the constitution of objectivity in Hegelian idealism through the subject's objectification of its content and its recognition by the "Other."

Abstract This critical review employs a combined approach of internal critique (analysis of theoretical-methodological coherence) and external critique (comparative assessment against global literature) to examine Lee and Blevins’ (2025) "Social Media and Digital Politics". The findings indicate that the book’s innovative integration of Social Network Analysis and Critical Theory offers a profound understanding of the role of digital emotions and mechanisms such as echo chambers in transforming political discourse. However, key critical outcomes reveal three major limitations: a narrow geographical focus on Western cases, which reduces the generalizability of the findings; a negative bias toward social media, overlooking its positive functions in political mobilization; and a lack of concrete policy recommendations. Consequently, by situating the work within broader international scholarship, this review proposes greater attention to non-Western contexts, a more balanced analysis of social media’s impacts, and the development of actionable guidelines as essential directions for future research and practice.